Nicolo Machiavelli wrote The
Prince five hundred years ago. It is still relevant. Consistent with human
nature, it is a valuable manual for those who would be princes. But those of us,
who, like Machiavelli, recognize our political nature but see greater
possibilities for humanity, need a different sort of handbook.
What I present here is for
those who would oppose princes and their principalities in order to build republics.
There are many politicians who say they are republicans, but in fact they take
the patronage and do the bidding of princes who provide the resources for their
elections and the directions for their policies. They adopt the princes’
perspectives, their explanations, and the courses of action they propose.
Let me acknowledge that I
too am biased and my bias affects the way I observe what is occurring, the
analysis of problems that I present, and the remedies that I recommend. My
heart is not with the princes who take advantage of the present situation to
enrich themselves. Because I identify with those who are poor, those who are
culturally despised, and those who have been effectively excluded from power, I
describe myself as culturally libertarian, economically social democratic (or
socialist if you will), and politically conservative republican. But this is not a fixed ideology. I
know that there are limitations and ambiguities in each of these positions and
between them.
By "conservative republican" I mean I am
committed to conserve families, neighborhoods, religion, ethnic diversity,
history, and the earth. And I hold that political power belongs to publics--not
to the church, not to the state, not to the elite, not to the ethnically
advantaged, not to unengaged masses, not even to elected representatives.
Publics are where people come together as equals to discuss and act on behalf
of their common interests, values, and associations. I think that conservative
republicanism argues for an effort to build publics and create a new federalism
among them. This is the task of progressive revolutionaries.
This new federalism is a return to what Catholic
Social Teaching calls the "principle of subsidiarity": human affairs
should be handled by the lowest and least centralized level of authority
possible. It ties to a central canon of community organizing: "don't do
for others what they can do for themselves." It assumes the principles of
solidarity and social democracy through which the well-being and dignity of all
are assured.
In the following thoughts
for progressive revolutionaries, I avoid footnotes and references. The appendix
will show many of my influences and teachers though I like to think that most
of what I present is due to the magnificent progressive revolutionaries with
whom I have lived, worked, and acted throughout my life. It is to them that I
dedicate these words and express my deepest gratitude.
Chapter 1: Revolutionary Atmosphere
Chapter 2: Unfinished Revolution
Chapter 3: Resistance, Rebellion, Revolution, Renewal
Chapter 4: Revolution that Renews
Chapter 5: Motives for Revolution
Chapter 6: Progressive Revolutionary Mind
Chapter 7: Humor and Revolution
Chapter 8: Progressive Revolutionary Analysis
Chapter 9: Violence and Revolution
Chapter 10: Religion and Revolution
Chapter 11: Ethics of Revolution
Chapter 12: Rules for Revolutionaries
Chapter 13: The End of Revolution
Afterword
Appendix: A Study Guide
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